Hung Cao’s Navy confirmation marks uneasy milestone for Asian representation

The swearing-in of Hung Cao as Under Secretary of the Navy on Oct. 3 marked a historic moment for Vietnamese American representation in federal leadership. As the highest-ranking Vietnamese American in the Trump administration’s second term, his confirmation represents both the culmination of decades of Asian American service in the Navy and a significant shift in how the community engages with political power at the highest levels.

Cao’s ascent to the Navy’s second-ranking civilian position, with authority over nearly 1 million personnel and a budget exceeding $250 billion, places him at the pinnacle of defense leadership. Yet his path there, marked by inflammatory rhetoric and two failed congressional campaigns, raises complex questions about what political representation means when identity becomes a vehicle for divisive ideology rather than community advocacy.

Cao, 54, was born in Saigon on Aug. 3, 1971. He arrived in Guam as a refugee at age 4 after his family fled the aftermath of the Vietnam War. His father, a former deputy minister of agriculture for South Vietnam and Cornell Ph.D. recipient, worked as a USAID agricultural expert in Niger, West Africa, before the family returned to the U.S. when Cao was 12.

After graduating from Thomas Jefferson High School for Science and Technology in Alexandria, Virginia, Cao enlisted in the Navy in 1989 before gaining admission to the U.S. Naval Academy, where he earned a bachelor’s degree in ocean engineering in 1996. He built his career in explosive ordnance disposal and diving operations, commanding high-profile missions including the Navy recovery team following the 1999 aircraft accident that killed John F. Kennedy Jr.

Over 25 years of service, Cao completed combat tours in Afghanistan, Iraq and Somalia alongside special warfare units. After earning a master’s degree in applied physics at the Naval Postgraduate School, he directed counter-drone and counter-messaging operations for Special Operations Command before retiring as a captain in October 2021. He later joined CACI International as a vice president managing electronic warfare and counter-drone programs.

His political ambitions began after retirement, with unsuccessful House and Senate campaigns in 2022 and 2024 despite then-former President Donald Trump’s endorsement. Trump nominated him for Under Secretary of the Navy in February, and the Senate confirmed him by a 52-45 party-line vote on Oct. 1, despite controversy over unverified claims about combat injuries and his lack of a Purple Heart or Combat Action Ribbon.

Cao’s appointment extends a legacy of Asian American leadership in the Navy that spans decades. Admiral Harry B. Harris made history as the first Asian American to achieve four-star admiral rank, commanding the U.S. Pacific Fleet and U.S. Indo-Pacific Command. Rear Admiral Ming Chang broke barriers in 1980 as the first naturalized Asian American to reach flag rank, later serving as inspector general for the Department of the Navy. Other flag officers include Rear Admiral Philip W. Yu, who has served in strategic planning roles; Rear Admiral Huan T. Nguyen, the first Vietnamese American flag officer; and Rear Admiral Tuan Nguyen, among the Navy’s most recent flag promotions.

Where Cao differs from these predecessors is in his civilian rather than military leadership role. While he retired as a Navy captain, a senior officer rank below flag level, his position as Under Secretary carries institutional authority comparable to the highest military officers. He oversees operations, personnel decisions and budgetary priorities across the entire Department of the Navy, representing a different pathway to influence at the apex of naval leadership.

Within the Trump administration specifically, Cao surpasses the visibility and scope of Tony Pham, who served as Acting Director of Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) during the first term and was previously the highest-ranking Vietnamese American in a Trump-era role. Cao’s position in the defense establishment, combined with his responsibility for Navy modernization and his symbolic role as Senior Defense Official for Guam, where his refugee family first arrived in 1975, places him at the center of both military strategy and Vietnamese American political achievement.

This trajectory reflects a broader evolution in Asian American participation in national security leadership. While earlier generations of Asian American naval officers navigated institutional barriers to achieve flag rank through military excellence alone, Cao’s civilian appointment demonstrates how political alignment and ideological positioning now shape pathways to defense leadership. His confirmation suggests that for Asian Americans seeking senior roles in Republican administrations, cultural conservatism and opposition to diversity initiatives may carry as much weight as traditional qualifications. In essence, it is a shift that both expands opportunities for some while narrowing the range of perspectives Asian American leaders bring to these institutions.

Cao’s political trajectory reveals the complex tensions within Asian American political identity and the limits of identity-based representation. His two failed congressional campaigns centered on fierce opposition to diversity, equity and inclusion (DEI) initiatives, which he blamed for weakening military effectiveness. During his 2024 Senate debate against Tim Kaine, he declared that the Navy did not need drag queens for recruitment but rather “alpha males and alpha females who are going to rip out their own guts, eat them and ask for seconds.”

Throughout his campaigns and in his memoir “Call Me an American,” Cao repeatedly invoked “communism” and “Marxism” as catch-all terms to denounce progressive policies, leveraging his Vietnamese refugee background to lend authenticity to these attacks. He equated “the undeniable realities of communism” under totalitarian regimes to contemporary proposals for expanded social welfare, tuition forgiveness and government-run healthcare, framing his opponents’ policies as adjacent to genocidal autocracies. Critics argue this approach exploits collective Vietnamese American trauma, packaging it into talking points that serve a narrow ideological agenda.

The question his confirmation raises is whether representation, or simply having someone from a minority community in a position of power, translates to serving that community’s interests. Vietnamese Americans, a community of over two million who historically lean conservative due to their experience fleeing communist rule, have diverse political perspectives. Other Vietnamese American leaders like Illinois State Rep. Hoan Huynh have used their refugee experience to support sanctuary city policies and investment in immigrant-owned businesses, demonstrating that Vietnamese American politics can reflect values beyond anti-communism alone.

For Vietnamese Americans and the broader Asian American community, Cao’s tenure will test whether his leadership can transcend the divisive rhetoric that defined his campaigns. His confirmation represents visibility at the pinnacle of federal power, but whether it advances substantive interests or merely uses ethnic identity as political currency remains the central question as he takes charge of Navy modernization efforts in the months ahead.